In early December, 48-year-old Tipu Sultan, a grassroots activist of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), stood outside Dhaka’s Evercare Hospital holding a placard that read, “I want to donate my kidney to Begum Khaleda Zia”.
A video of Sultan and the placard went viral in Bangladesh, a country of 170 million people that has been on edge since Khaleda, the BNP chairperson and former prime minister, was admitted to hospital on November 23. Tipu has since spent his days on the pavement opposite the hospital gate, promising to stay put until he receives news of her recovery.
“She is like my mother. She sacrificed everything for democracy,” he told Al Jazeera. “My only prayer is that God allows her to see the upcoming election,” he added, referring to the national elections scheduled for February 12.
But it was not to be. Early in the morning, on December 30, the 80-year-old Khaleda passed away in hospital, her party announced.
“Our beloved national leader is no longer with us. She left us at 6am today,” the BNP said in the statement posted on Facebook.
With her archrival and fellow former prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, now in exile in India, Khaleda’s death closes a more than three-decade-long chapter when the two leaders – who came to be known as the ‘battling begums’, an honorific traditionally reserved for Muslim women of authority – dominated Bangladeshi politics.
But as with Hasina, Khaleda’s legacy is grey: Both women fought for democracy, against authoritarianism. While Khaleda, unlike Hasina, was never accused of carrying out mass atrocities against critics, she was also a polarising figure. Her uncompromising style while in opposition – leading election boycotts and prolonged street movements – combined with recurring allegations of corruption while she was in power, inspired intense loyalty among supporters and equal distrust among her critics.
The rise
Begum Khaleda Zia was born on August 15, 1946, in Dinajpur – then part of British India’s East Bengal, now northern Bangladesh.
Her father, Iskandar Majumder, originally from Feni in the country’s southeast, had previously run a tea business in Jalpaiguri (in present-day India) before relocating with his family to East Bengal, which would soon become East Pakistan after the 1947 partition of India.
Khaleda spent her early years in Dinajpur, where she studied at the Dinajpur Government Girls’ High School before enrolling at Surendranath College.
Her entry into politics was shaped not by early ambition but by upheaval.
The assassination of her husband, President Ziaur Rahman, in an abortive military mutiny in Chattogram on May 30, 1981, plunged Bangladesh into deep uncertainty. Rahman – who had stabilised the country after years of coups and counter-coups – left behind a fragile political order and a governing party, the BNP, that was suddenly without its founder.
Although Khaleda had not been politically active during her husband’s presidency, senior BNP leaders saw her as the only figure who could unify the party’s competing factions and preserve Ziaur Rahman’s legacy. After his death, Vice President Abdus Sattar became acting president and later won an election. But within months, Army Chief Hussain Muhammad Ershad seized power in a bloodless coup in March 1982, imposing martial law. It was in this volatile context – with the military back in control and political parties fighting for survival – that Khaleda began her ascent, eventually emerging as a central civilian figure challenging authoritarian rule.
Khaleda joined the BNP as a general member in January 1982, became its vice chair in 1983, and was elected party chairperson in August 1984. In the decades that followed, she would win three elections to become prime minister in a political landscape that she dominated alongside her longtime rival, Sheikh Hasina, and her Awami League party.
Her public life unfolded alongside personal struggles: her elder son, Tarique Rahman, went into exile in 2008 after being arrested during a military-backed caretaker government’s anticorruption drive; her younger son, Arafat Rahman Koko, died of cardiac arrest in 2015 while living abroad. Khaleda herself later spent long periods in prison after her 2018 convictions in corruption cases brought under the Awami League government, followed by years of political isolation and deteriorating health.
Tarique eventually returned to Dhaka on December 25, after the cases against him were dropped by the interim government of Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus that yook office after Hasina’s ouster.
“Her [Khaleda’s] entire life was filled with hardship, yet she chose her country over personal comfort,” said Dilara Choudhury, a political scientist who observed both Khaleda and her husband closely. “That is why she is remembered across political lines as one of the most emblematic leaders of her time.”
Private life before politics
People who knew Khaleda before she entered public life describe her as a woman who was reserved, soft-spoken and consistently courteous. She married army officer Ziaur Rahman in 1960 when she was about 15, long before he emerged as a national figure. Rahman rose to prominence after Bangladesh’s 1971 independence war, later assuming the presidency in 1977 and founding the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) in 1978. Zia would later inherit her husband’s politics – centred on nationalism, multi-party democracy and a market-oriented economy.
From 1978 to 1981, she lived with her family in a modest military residence at 6 Moinul Road in Dhaka Cantonment, then designated as the residence of the deputy chief of the army, where then-Captain (later Colonel) Harunur Rashid Khan served as aide-de-camp to her husband, President Rahman.
“She coordinated the house herself, welcomed guests and managed family matters,” Colonel Khan told Al Jazeera. “I never saw her raise her voice. She was humble, kind and thoughtful.”
He recalled her calm approach to parenting: When her younger son, Arafat, then aged 7, struggled to gain admission to a school, she asked only for other alternative school options; when the boy later injured himself imitating a television stunt, she expressed no anger towards the staff who were supposed to be minding him.
“That was the kind of person she was,” Khan said. “Graceful, composed and considerate.”
But everything changed on May 30, 1981.
At dawn that day, Khan learned President Rahman had been assassinated in the port city of Chattogram, in an attempted coup by a group of army officers that would eventually be crushed by Ershad, Rahman’s army chief, though Ershad would himself grab power months later.
“For a moment [after learning of the assassination], I felt the ground slip beneath my feet; but I did not share the information with Madam [Begum Zia] for moments,” he said.
Fearing that the family residence might be the next target, he immediately ordered an entire company of about 120 soldiers to be ready to defend the family.
In the early morning, the two boys came out of their bedrooms, preparing to leave for school, but he stopped them. Minutes later, Khaleda stepped out of her bedroom. “She asked me, ‘What has happened?’ I told her there was unrest outside,” he said.
Without asking anything else, she retreated to her bedroom as a member of the house staff switched on the radio – and the announcement of her husband’s death filled the room.
“She stepped back, looked at my eyes – and she understood,” the former aide-de-camp said. “She sank into the floor.”
Khan remained to support the family for two more months. “She was mentally shattered,” he said.
As Ziaur Rahman had left no other personal residence for his family, the government later permanently allocated the house at 6 Moinul Road to Khaleda, and she lived there until she was evicted in 2010 by Hasina’s administration.
From first lady to first female prime minister
Following Ziaur Rahman’s assassination in 1981, senior leaders of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) urged Khaleda – who was not even a party member at the time – to take on a public role.
Her rise coincided with growing public sentiments against Ershad’s military rule: After taking over as president, the army chief suspended the constitution and imposed martial law.
Throughout the 1980s, the BNP and the Awami League – the two largest political parties – led parallel but often coordinated street movements calling for the restoration of parliamentary democracy.
According to Choudhury, the political scientist, a key turning point arrived in 1986, when Ershad announced a national election that the opposition denounced as unconstitutional because martial law remained in force and political freedoms were restricted. While the Awami League eventually chose to contest the polls, the BNP under Khaleda’s stewardship boycotted the election entirely.
“Her decision to boycott the 1986 election – which she denounced as illegal even as the Awami League participated – reinforced her public image as someone unwilling to trade principle for expediency,” she said.
Repeated house arrests under the Ershad regime cemented this perception about her. “Khaleda Zia was unwavering in her objective to remove Ershad and restore democracy,” Choudhury said. “Her readiness to endure arrest, even in ill health, earned her respect.”
The 1991 election – the first after the end of military rule in December 1990 – produced a hung parliament.
The BNP won 140 seats, short of the 151 needed to form a government. The Awami League won 88 seats, the Jatiya Party 35 and Jamaat-e-Islami 18.
Jamaat chief Ghulam Azam opened negotiations with Sheikh Hasina. Meanwhile, Golam Wahed Choudhury, the husband of Dilara Choudhury, and a former minister of communications of undivided Pakistan, arranged a discreet meeting at his Dhaka residence, bringing together Khaleda, Jamaat leaders Ghulam Azam and Motiur Rahman Nizami, and the army chief, Lieutenant General Nuruddin.
Khaleda arrived alone, without informing other BNP leaders. The negotiations ultimately paved the way to allow Bangladeshi citizenship for two very contrasting political figures. Jamaat chief Azam, who had supported Pakistan during the war of independence, had previously been stripped of his citizenship as a result. Kader Siddique, a prominent 1971 war hero aligned with the Awami League’s political legacy, had been in exile in India after leading his private militia against the government and military following the 1975 assassination of Hasina’s husband, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman – the leader of the country’s independence struggle and its first prime minister and president.
In return, Jamaat agreed to back the BNP in parliament, giving Khaleda the numbers needed to form a government.
“This negotiation showed her political prudence and firmness,” Choudhury said. “It could easily have failed.”
Khaleda was sworn in as Bangladesh’s first elected female prime minister – joining a line of South Asian women who had already held the region’s highest offices, including Indira Gandhi, Sirimavo Bandaranaike and Benazir Bhutto.
Governance, reforms and cries of cronyism
Khaleda led Bangladesh thrice: first between 1991 and 1996, then for a few months in 1996 during a short-lived second term, and finally between 2001 and 2006.
Recalling the negotiation mediated by her husband in early 1991, Choudhury, the political scientist, said that as Khaleda was leaving the meeting, she paused to speak with the women of the household and asked what they expected from her.
“My elder sister, Professor Husneara Khan, replied, ‘We want you to give the country a comparatively honest and corruption-free administration’.”
Whether she ultimately delivered on that, Choudhury said, is a complex question. “She genuinely had that intention – inspired by her husband’s nationalist philosophy. She succeeded in many areas.”
Supporters credit her government with policies aimed at stabilising a state emerging from years of authoritarian rule. Her administration pursued economic liberalisation, export-led growth, revival of industry, expansion of the garment sector, and wider access to education – particularly for girls. Her tenure also coincided with the expansion of a relatively free press.
When her last elected term ended in 2006, Bangladesh’s gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate stood at about 7 percent – one of the highest in the country’s post-independence history and well above the average of roughly 4.8 percent in the 1990s and about 3.8 percent in the 1980s. At that time, the World Bank described Bangladesh as “Asia’s next tiger economy”.
Her administrations, however, did draw criticism too.
In 1995, an acute fertiliser shortage and a resulting sharp increase in prices – driven by hoarding and distribution failures at a crucial time for the winter paddy crop – led to protests by thousands of farmers. Police opened fire in several districts: At least a dozen farmers and one officer died in clashes, a moment that damaged her government’s reputation amid widespread rural frustration.
During her 2001–2006 term, critics accused her elder son, Tarique Rahman, of building an alleged parallel centre of influence around his political office, widely known as Hawa Bhaban.
Allegations of corruption and claims that key decisions were being influenced through this parallel structure fuelled persistent questions about governance under her watch.
Political missteps
Chaudhury pointed to two episodes in which Khaleda’s governments were also accused of trying to influence electoral outcomes. A 1994 by-election in the Magura-2 parliamentary constituency was widely criticised as having been manipulated to benefit the BNP. Later, towards the end of her 2001–06 term, Zia was accused of trying to install a partisan caretaker government tasked with carrying out the next election.
Political historian Mohiuddin Ahmed, the author of the book Khaleda – an independent historical account of the former PM’s legacy – pointed to other instances too that he said hurt her credibility.
A grenade attack on a rally of Hasina’s then-opposition Awami League on August 21, 2004, in Dhaka, killed at least 24 people and injured hundreds. The investigation under the BNP-led government was widely criticised for failing to promptly pursue credible leads into the role of Islamist armed groups that were ultimately blamed by investigators. These include the Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami group.
A Dhaka court in 2018 convicted several individuals in connection with the attack. However, subsequent appeals and High Court rulings have overturned some convictions, acquitting others, and questions about accountability for the 2004 attack remain unresolved for many Bangladeshis.
In another incident in April 2004, police and coastguard intercepted a large consignment of illegal weapons believed to be destined for the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), an armed separatist group in India’s Assam region.
“These incidents deepened political hostility at home and created significant discomfort in Bangladesh’s relations with neighbouring India,” Ahmed told Al Jazeera.
Zia’s missteps during her 2001-06 rule contributed to the political instability that culminated in a military-backed takeover of power on January 11, 2007.
The army’s senior leadership pressed then-President Iajuddin Ahmed to declare a state of emergency, resign as chief adviser of the sitting caretaker government and cancel elections scheduled for later that month. With the armed forces’ backing, former Bangladesh Bank governor Fakhruddin Ahmed was appointed chief adviser of a new interim caretaker government tasked with stabilising the country and preparing for future elections. The move effectively sidelined both Khaleda and Hasina from front-line politics for nearly two years.
“Her [Khaleda’s] party created the circumstances [for the events of January 11, 2007], and the party – as well as her family – eventually became the victims of it,” Ahmed, the political historian, said.
‘Commitment to democracy’
Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury, a former commerce minister in Khaleda’s 2001–04 cabinet and a current BNP leader, said that his former boss never wavered from her political positions even when she was under immense pressure to compromise.
“Her commitment to democracy and her patriotism had a profound impact on party workers,” he said. “Attempts to break the BNP – during 1/11 and later under Sheikh Hasina – never succeeded because her ideals held the organisation together,” he added, referring to the events of January 11, 2007.
Ahmed, the political historian, also said that while “many have benefited from politics in recent decades”, Khaleda had “paid a very high price, especially after 2006″. He was referring to the years of imprisonment, political persecution and sustained pressure endured by her and her family.
“Right or wrong, she rarely walked back from her stated positions, which we did not see among other contemporary politicians,” Ahmed said, citing her firmness during the anti-Ershad movement and her insistence on elections only under caretaker governments.
That she became the first woman to occupy the nation’s highest elected office in a socially conservative society traditionally sceptical of female leadership will always also remain a part of her legacy.
Her refusal to flee the country during crises – whether after January 2007, when her elder son was forced into exile as they faced numerous cases, or when she faced retribution under Hasina – also helped hold the BNP together, say analysts.
“She could have left, but she chose to stay and face the consequences. That determination set her apart,” Ahmed said.
The political historian also pointed to Khaleda’s restraint in political language. “Even when she was targeted with harsh propaganda and abusive remarks, she did not respond in that manner.”
Her message following the fall of Hasina in August 2024 was an example.
Freed from house arrest on August 6, after student-led protests forced Hasina to flee to India, Khaleda urged her supporters not to pursue retaliation.
“For many, it was an almost unimaginable moment,” Mohiuddin said. “She avoided inflammatory language even when the political tide turned in her favour.”
For many everyday Bangladeshis, this trait is central to how she will be remembered. “Both Hasina and Khaleda ruled the country well, but in my opinion, Khaleda did better,” said 77-year-old Nazim Uddin, speaking to Al Jazeera in early December while chatting with friends outside a commercial complex not far from Evercare Hospital.
But a key question now looms: What awaits the BNP in a post-Khaleda era?
At the centre of any answer to that question is Khaleda’s only surviving son, Tarique Rahman.
“Like the Awami League, the BNP has become a one-person-centric party,” political historian Mohiuddin Ahmed said. “With Tarique Rahman’s leadership still untested, the BNP is likely to face a serious leadership crisis.”
Choudhury, the political scientist who knew Khaleda well, offered a sharper assessment: “Leaders in the post-Khaleda BNP will likely split into two or three factions, as she served as a symbol of unity for party members. That fragmentation, I fear, will create a serious political vacuum in the country.”
But others disagree.
Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury, the former minister under Khaleda, said that he believes Tarique, who has led the party as acting chair since 2018 from exile in the United Kingdom, has already “taken up the torch that his mother carried from his father, Ziaur Rahman”.
Tarique was greeted with a significant show of support by the party faithful when he returned to Dhaka from exile on Christmas Day, weeks ahead of the national election, in which the BNP is in a close race for poll position with its former ally, the Jamaat-e-Islami.
In his first comments since returning, Tarique spoke of wanting to build an inclusive Bangladesh. Some experts believe the 60-year-old might also be able to repair ties with India, which have suffered since Hasina’s removal and her decision to flee to New Delhi. Though India and the BNP have traditionally not enjoyed warm ties, with New Delhi preferring Hasina’s Awami League as its partner in Dhaka, both have sent overtures to each other in recent days.
Now the BNP’s, and Tarique’s, big test awaits: February’s elections will not just determine who leads Bangladesh, but could reveal whether the country trusts Khaleda’s heir to continue her legacy.
